Such is the force of Nigel Farage’s personality that his Reform Party has been making inroads into Scottish politics without any noticeable physical presence on the ground.
There are no Reform MSPs, promoting the party’s message (whatever it may currently be) in the Scottish Parliament; so far as elected members in Scotland go, Reform can boast just eight councillors, none of whom might be described as dynamic or charismatic.
But these facts have done nothing to slow Mr Farage’s rise in popularity north of the Border.
The quintessential “Little Englander” appears to have found the pulse of “Little Scotland”; recent polling suggests Reform could return as many as 15 MSPs in next May’s Holyrood election.
So concerned is First Minister John Swinney about the growth in support for Mr Farage and Reform in Scotland that he has called a summit with opposition politicians and civic leaders next month to discuss what he characterises as the rise of dangerous right-wing populism.
The polling we’ve seen so far suggests, unsurprisingly, that Reform stands to do most damage to Russell Findlay’s Scottish Conservatives next year but Mr Swinney’s decision to convene a meeting to discuss the party’s growing influence on our politics shows the First Minister recognises Mr Farage’s appeal (which continues to elude me) spans the traditional left-right political divide.
In common with all political populists, Mr Farage isn’t one for details. Rather, the Reform leader has become – via stints at the helms of both UKIP and The Brexit Party – one of the most influential figures of the age by offering simplistic solutions to big problems: Leave the EU for a better NHS! Curb immigration for a healthier economy.
Just as successive SNP leaders have over the past quarter of a century, Mr Farage has sold himself as a different kind of politician, someone who’s on the side of the man and woman in the street while representatives of the long-established mainstream parties are only in it for themselves.
In many ways, the late Alex Salmond and Mr Farage were kindred spirits. Their politics may have differed but their bullish styles were hugely similar. We know, from Mr Salmond’s success, that there is an audience in Scotland for leaders who promise quick, dramatic fixes.
But crucial to the success of the SNP under Mr Salmond was the fact that his party was united and gave the appearance of being competent. Divided parties do not, as a rule, fare well in elections.
This is a truth Mr Farage may soon have to confront.
Reform’s popularity grew in Scotland despite its leader barely stepping across the border in years. And its popularity could ebb away in exactly the same circumstances.
Last week, Mr Farage’s deputy, Richard Tice MP travelled to Glasgow to unveil two new councillors, defectors from the Tory Party.
Mr Tice called members of the Scottish political lobby to a press conference outside a chip shop in the city’s Tollcross. What should have been a perfectly straightforward and, for Mr Tice, positive event went catastrophically – and comically – wrong.
Mr Tice ran head-first into the Scottish Daily Mail’s deputy political editor, Tom Gordon.
What, asked Tom, are the full names of your new councillors? This should not have been a difficult question for Mr Tice to answer.
Nigel Farge’s right-hand man was stumped. Not only was he unable to provide surnames for John and Ross (Gray and Lambie, on the off-chance that their achievements have passed you by), he was also incapable of telling Tom on which local authorities his new colleagues serve.
Mr Tice’s tangle with the Daily Mail’s man was videoed and it soon went viral. The politician does not emerge well.
One need hardly been a master of the political dark arts to know that a senior politician who calls a press conference to proudly announce two new recruits should, at the very least, have learned their names.
Perception matters and the perception last week was that Mr Tice had treated his new colleagues with contempt and most of us don’t much care for that sort of thing.
More problematic for Mr Farage is the high-profile bust-up between himself and MP Rupert Lowe, suspended from Reform over bullying allegations which emerged after he had been publicly critical of his leader.
Reform also reported Mr Lowe to the Metropolitan Police which has confirmed it has launched an investigation “into an allegation of a series of verbal threats made by a 67-year-old man”.
Suddenly, Nigel Farage doesn’t look so much like that fearless political insurgent who’d on your side. Rather, we see flashes of what he really is – a demagogue at the head of a chaotic excuse for a political party.
As if this was not enough to make life uncommonly difficult for Mr Farage, his closeness to US President Donald Trump – always controversial – has become more damaging with each proclamation from the White House about the war between Russia and Ukraine.
Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay should take heart from this.
The Tory Party has struggled to get out from beneath the looming shadow of Nigel Farage. Now, the Reform leader is vulnerable to legitimate attacks not only on the state of his party but about his judgement on matters of international security and Mr Findlay should deliver them.
Under the excellent leadership of shadow equalities minister Tess White, the Scottish Conservatives have cemented their position as the only mainstream political party vehemently opposed to the unpopular gender reforms championed by others.
With Reform in disarray, the Tories can continue to stand apart – and with the majority – on this issue. Indeed, were I Mr Findlay, I would be touring the country with Ms White, meeting with feminist campaign groups and cementing my position as their greatest ally in defence of single-sex spaces.
Reform may currently be experiencing a little local difficulty but the party will probably regroup.
Nigel Farage remains relentless in his desire to disrupt and there remains an audience for his easy answers. He is still likely to cheer on the election of MSPs to Holyrood, next year.
But, events of the past week make the case that the Conservatives are the only serious party of the centre-right in Scotland.
The challenge for Russell Findlay is to capitalise on that truth and head off the inevitable Reform resurgence.